Wednesday, June 5, 2013

Why Ray's heroes are a breed apart...

On the occasion of legendary filmmaker Satyajit Ray’s 21st death anniversary on April 23rd 2013, Monojit Lahiri pulls back to provide both, a long shot and a close-up of what made his heroes so different, special and unique.

In epics, sagas, legends and folklore, the ‘hero’ is always Mr. Perfect. Brave, bold, truthful, chivalrous and noble. In the Mumbai-manufactured ‘masala’ movies, add sexy handsome and macho (and don’t bother to strain the brain cells too much!). For over three and a half decades the one hero who blazed the screen and scorched the imagination of millions was the towering and charismatic Amitabh Bachchan.  In recent times, the likes of Sunjay Dutt, Sunny Deol, Abhishek Bachchan, Akshay Kumar, Ajay Devgn, The Khan combine (Saif included) and Hrithik Roshan have clashed swords for that coveted clot.

In serious cinema (parallel cinema that is) the concept of hero and heroism is not quite as bombastic. Here there is no specific agenda to titillate the wish-fulfillment aspect of the turned-on viewer.  He does not spew armpit rhetoric aimed at the front benchers.  He is a flesh and blood character, acting out real feelings with identifiable honesty, sensitivity and feeling. Agreed, he doesn’t always win, but who does?  Not you or me – only the larger than life caricatures in masala land!

The heroes of Satyajit Ray’s films are a breed apart.  They are even more rooted to the soil and milieu of their environment. Observes Chidananda Das Gupta with rare perception in the most definitive book written on the maestro, The Cinema of Satyajit Ray. “The natural character of an actor was important to Ray, not only in the case of the non-professional, but professionals as well. He must, in real life, reflect some of the basic qualities sought in the character to be portrayed. Acting against the grain of the actor’s nature is unacceptable in Ray’s scheme of things. That is precisely why Ray’s actors exude more or less the same impression of themselves in real life as they do on screen.  Soumitra Chatterjee, Dhritiman Chaterjee (Pratidwandi) or Pinaki Mukherjee (Jana Aranya), all have the unmistakable imprint on them of an intellectual pursuit and contemplative nature. The characters they play on screen are very like themselves.”

Let’s start with Apu in Apur Sansar, the third and last chapter of his unforgettable (Pather Panchali, Aparajito) trilogy.  Apu is a young  man who marries, writes his first novel and then loses his wife in childbirth. This tragedy sends him staggering into the wilderness.  His pathos is summed up in one magnificent image as he casts away the sheets of the novel. They flutter down the hillside in the luminous light of dawn, evoking an overwhelming sense of melancholy. Apu is filled with nostalgia, but when at last he is reunited with his on, it gives him a new vitality and joy with which to face the future.  Thus the wheel has turned full circle and the trilogy closes with Apu carrying his child just as it began with his grandmother rocking him in the cradle. Fittingly for the role of the sensitive Apu, Ray introduced Soumitra Chatterjee – an actor whose physical and intellectual parallels bore such striking resemblance to the character he was to portray, that it inspired the prestigious Time magazine to eulogise, ‘His actors act not with the usual combinations of oriental drama, but as though the camera found them alone and simply living; and they live as few characters in pictures do – real lives that swell to the skin with pain and poetry and sudden wit.’

Take Nayak where the great god, Ray, took Bengal’s (late) King of Hearts, Uttam Kumar for the first time, causing many to believe that the maestro had finally lost it!  Nothing of course was further from the truth. The essence of the film concerned itself with the emptiness that plagued the life of a celluloid superstar. The storyline oozes out of the empty confines of an air-conditioned coach carrying him to Delhi, where a State award awaits him. On the trip he meets an intelligent, young, woman journalist (Sharmila Chatterjee) in the dining car.  A rapport develops between them and in a rare moment of human contact, he tells her of his most private frustrations, doubts and weaknesses.  While it is commonly recognized that Ray’s best works are derived from literary sources other than his, his eye for impeccable casting has almost always been universally acknowledged. Uttam Kumar was Bengal’s reining superstar, whose mere name on the marquee set off serpentine queues. What Ray did was to write a script with him in mind, eliminating his popular, cliché-ridden mannerisms and concentrating on his seldom-tapped acting prowess. In this he succeeded magnificently, inspiring the late star to comment, “Manikda was the first director to really teach me what film acting was all about.”  This new insight was reflected in most of his subsequent movie roles.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Thursday, May 30, 2013

Whispering death

By skirting the necessary UNSC mandate, Drone attacks are fast becoming an extrajudicial alternative to boots on the ground, says Saurabh Kumar Sahi
 

They say it hits with a warning. Only if you consider the constant humming sound that hits your eardrums everyday, a warning. In Waziristan's non-polluting environment in the absence of industrial units and vehicular pollution, it is pretty much a hiss.

At lower altitude - and fraction of seconds before the missile hits - the hum turns into groan. It is not for nothing that locals, in their tongue, call it “whispering death”. The whisper here is also symbolic; a substantial part of the world's population only talks about drones in whispers; and that too, only those people who know about it. The world of Predator drones is a murky collusion of silence, opacity and undisclosed complicity.

In October 2012, during my trip to Peshawar in Pakistan, I got the opportunity to meet for the first time people who have been directly affected by drone war in Pakistan; they are not exactly media's most heard voices, either globally or in Pakistan's elite English newspapers.

The survivors narrate a sordid tale of how drone war has turned from an attempt towards inflicting surgical strikes to a psychological warfare that takes enormous toll on the population.

Ashfaqullah, a boy in his mid-teens, explains the everyday pressures that the drone culture has inflicted in the region. “You constantly hear the hum. It never stops. It's like somebody watching your back. You feel threatened sitting with  friends. It might be mistaken for a gathering and hit. You avoid any sudden movements. It has become a part of our life.”

Ashfaqullah and his friend Khalil Khan had witnessed the infamous drone attack in the town of Datta Khel that took place in March 2011 killing over 40 people and injuring scores more. A meeting between local businessmen and tribal elders of the area was convened in order to settle the dispute over an adjoining mine. The leaders had given a notice to the government officials detailing the meeting. However, in the late morning, a  drone sent several missiles right in the middle of the gathering killing over 40 of them. The strewn body parts were barely sorted to give them a proper burial.

Datta Khel is by no means an exception. There are several organizations including The Long War Journal and The New America Foundation that have come up with figures of civilians killed. Although they vary dramatically, considering an unusually high level of secrecy that the American administration maintains over these attacks, it is expected that between 2,562 and 3,325 people were killed in Pakistan alone between June 2004 and September 2012, of which anything between 474 and 881 were civilians, including 176 children. The numbers of those injured is almost double of that.

What leads to such high civilian casualty? Experts suggest that there are two major factors involved here. The first, and possibly the deadliest, is the very perception of terrorist that drone operators have. In the case of “kill lists”, one is at least certain that a particular individual is being targeted. The CIA and the US military have prepared overlapping “kill lists” that is updated regularly. Insiders say that the military’s list is finalised during Pentagon-run inter agency meetings that is later approved by the White House. The final list go through White House counter-terror adviser, and the newly-announced CIA head, John Brennan to the President. President Obama is believed to sanction some of the most serious ones himself. But the attacks often deviate from these lists. These are called “Signature Strikes”.

Says Robert Naiman, Policy Director, Just Foreign Policy, “In the case of so-called 'Signature Strike', the assessment of whether or not the person is a terrorist is hazy at the best. Therefore, it is not uncommon to hit any gathering that appears to be a Taliban gathering. Very often, funerals and marriages have been wrongly targeted. These men are not on any list, not even the suspected list.”

The second reason is what experts call, “double trap”. In case a target is hit and there are civilian causalities who are not dead, the locals try to evacuate them for medical attention. However, in the “double trap” strike, a second hit follows, even while the evacuation is in process, killing more people. In fact, locals in Pakistan suggest that such is the fear of the second strike that at times injured are left unattended for hours, killing many of them.

Insiders who know how this war is being fought, claim that more often than not, the people who control drones consider every adult a potential suspect. With such a broad brush to play with, there is little surprise over mounting civilian casualties.

Former Secretary of Defence, Leon Panetta, in the past has not only called the drones “precise”, he also labeled it as “the only game in town” for the disintegrating al-Qaeda. That is a commonly-held view inside the US security apparatus. However, David Kilcullen, the celebrated key adviser of former US Army General David Petraeus, testified in front of the Congress, claiming: “Since 2006, we have killed 14 senior al-Qaeda leaders using drone strikes; in the same time period, we’ve killed 700 Pakistani civilians in the same area.” That roughly gives you a ration of 50 to 1. Talk of precision.

The natural question then is this: why go ahead with it? Experts sggest, there are many reasons.

“From a totally American perspective, I can think of three justifications. Drone strikes are less costly in terms of dollars. Second, drone strikes are less expensive in terms of lives lost. In the world of drone warfare, no one returns with post-traumatic stress, none back with missing limbs. Which leads me to my third justification—that drone strikes are less costly in terms of objections in the court of public opinion. Insulated by technology, the strikes appear to us—and more important, to those around the world—on our TV screens as little more than a scene from 24,” Mark McKinnon, the celebrated media adviser to many Republican big-shots once famously quipped.

Although McKinnon is a conservative, he has done some plain speaking as far as the drone war is concerned. I am not sure about the public opinion in the US, but the legal aspect of the entire drama has started catching up.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

Saturday, May 25, 2013

Strains of a hundred strings

Music has the power to dispel all negativity in the darkest of places, Abhay Rustum Sopori, scion of a legendary family of santoor players, tells Arundhuti Banerjee as he discusses his efforts to keep classical and folk music alive in trouble-torn Kashmir.

In January 1990, Srinagar-born Abhay Rustum Sopori, then in his pre-teens, visited Delhi with his family for their annual winter vacation. And he never returned to the Valley.

Militancy had engulfed Kashmir and his father, santoor maestro Bhajan Sopori, was transferred to the Delhi kendra of All India Radio. “We do keep going back to Kashmir but haven't been able to live there ever since,” says the santoor player, now in his early 30s.

Abhay's family has been playing the instrument for seven generations. His grandfather, Pandit Shamboo Nath Sopori, is regarded as a doyen of the Sufiana gharana. His father, having learned the ropes from an acclaimed master, has carried the family tradition forward over the subsequent decades.

Pandit Shamboo Nath Sopori, who had thousands of disciples in the Valley and elsewhere, was instrumental in arousing a keen interest among common people in Kashmir's rich classical and folk music traditions.

Bhajan Sopori, on his part, masterminded a musical renaissance in Kashmir in the 1970s. He took the santoor to new heights. The burden of this magnificent legacy sits rather easy on Abhay Sopori's shoulders.

“My father once said that if you want to destroy a state, you do not need atomic power. All that you have to do is just dent its culture and the state will collapse automatically. I realised the value of that statement when I started visiting the border areas of  Jammu  and Kashmir” says Abhay.

The young musician has constantly fought to keep Kashmir's classical and folk music alive despite the many challenges that are posed by over two decades of unrest and official apathy. “I sing because I can,” he quips.

He credits his gharana for the quality of the work that he does. “People ask me whether the style of my singing is my signature. Actually it is very much a part of the Sufiana gharana that I belong to,” he explains.

The family runs the Sopori Academy for Music and Performing Arts (SaMaPa), which in recent years has been in the forefront of organising classical music soirees in the Valley against great odds.

The activities, which have continued amid militant strikes, army clampdowns and unending curfews, are a response to the lackadaisical manner in which the state government has tended to approach the task of promoting classical and folk music and its many exponents in Kashmir.

Abhay refers to an experience that he personally had with the officialdom in 2005 as the turning point. “I had been invited to a concert by the state government. The organisers told me that the response would be very good and that only 50 people would be in the audience,” he recalls. “I was dumbfounded. Just 50 people and they were saying the response was good?”

The same year at the SaMaPa Music Festival, Abhay saw for himself what exactly was amiss. He says: “I wanted to invite the then governor SK Sinha to the event. When I asked the secretary of the state academy about the possibility, he told me that the governor was not interested in attending a music festival. So I wrote to him personally. The governor confirmed that he would attend. It was obvious that some people were out to sabotage the event.”

As it transpired, the 2005 SaMaPa Music Festival was a roaring success with over 150 artistes in attendance. However, the media coverage left much to be desired. “The next day's newspapers had photographs of only the governor and me. They had nothing to say about all the other performers who made the show such a huge success,” says Abhay.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri – A Man For The Society….
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
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Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

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Saturday, May 11, 2013

The luxury segment has been racing ahead

While growth in the mass passenger car segment has stalled, the luxury segment has been racing ahead. India’s rising numbers of millionaires and well-heeled young professionals are driving this trend even as luxury car makers are creating new segments to generate demand and excitement

So even though the economy continues to stutter, decades of growth has spawned a new upper class with global tastes and aspirations that is driving the luxury car market expanding at 40% annually, say industry analysts and research firms. According to a Confederation of Indian Industry-AT Kearney report, India’s luxury market was worth $5.8 billion in 2011 and is expected to treble by 2015. A recent survey done by Frost & Sullivan says that “The Indian luxury car market will grow by six-fold by 2020”. According to the survey, the luxury car market is expected to record 300,000 units per year in sales by the end of this decade. “If we talk about the next decade, i.e. from 2013-2023, India would be a market for luxury cars. Growth seems to be the fastest in this segment, says Abdul Majeed, National Automotive Leader at PricewaterhouseCoopers.

Mercedes-Benz, which came to India in 1994, was the largest seller of luxury cars in India till a couple of years ago when fellow German rival, BMW, beat the company to the numero uno position in 2009. That year, Mercedes recorded 3,202 units in sales whereas BMW sold a good 3,587 units, topping the sales chart. Audi, which was then just making its presence felt in the Indian market, registered 58% of whopping yoy growth in 2009, selling 1,987 units. Since 2009, the competition has gotten more intense and scalding hot. The German players have been at each other’s throat, straining their muscles to outperform in the competitive luxury car market, which has grown thicker with the entry of newer players like Volvo and Jaguar Land Rover.

On one hand we have the entry level luxury brands like BMW, Audi, Mercedes and Volvo; on the other hand there are the mid-level luxury brands like Jaguar and Land Rover (starting from about Rs.5 million) and then there are the ultra-luxe brands, some of the biggest names in the sports car and super luxury segment, like Bentley, Lamborghini, Rolls Royce, Ferrari, Aston Martin, Maserati and Bugatti. The arrival of these big guns in the Indian market over the past two years has further redefined and segmented the luxury car market: So we now have the entry-level, mid-level, super luxury, sports cars and SUVs. Another key trend in this luxury space is the sudden upsurge in the entry level cars starting as low as Rs.2.2 million.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
 
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
 
IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri – A Man For The Society….
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

ExecutiveMBA



Friday, May 10, 2013

Parties Play The Caste Trump Card

With national political parties finding themselves out on a limb in Karnataka, it’s the caste-based regional outfits that are calling the shots. Will the political cookie in this southern state crumble the way of Uttar Pradesh?

Karnataka is gearing up for Assembly elections in April. With the fortunes of the ruling BJP and the Congress hitting the skids in the state, caste-based regional formations are likely to gain in the post-poll scenario.

Karnataka is set to go the Uttar Pradesh way. UP is India’s largest state and is accustomed to electoral fragmentation on caste and community lines. Karnataka, only one third the size of UP, is not. So, if a hung Assembly is what the April elections yield, the development would mark a paradigm shift in Karnataka politics. Congress, BJP and Janata Dal are the three parties that have traditionally jostled for seats in the Vidhana Soudha. Two new forces have lately jumped into the fray. Former chief minister BS Yeddyurappa’s Karnataka Janata Party (KJP) and Badava Shramika Raitha Congress (BSR Congress), led by B Shriramulu, the right hand man of jailed mining baron Gali Janardhana Reddy, are likely to queer the pitch for the national parties by taking away a chunk of their votes.

While none of the five contenders are in a position to sweep the polls, KJP and BSR Congress could both wrest enough seats to give the principal parties a run for their money. But in the run-up to the elections, none of the political formations is keen to get into any alliances, preferring to wait and watch the for eventual outcome. For Congress and Janata Dal (Secular), the April polls could be just another electoral battle. But for BJP and KJP, it would be an acid test. The BJP would be out to demonstrate that it has the strength to live down Yeddyurappa’s exit. For the party leaders who have been instrumental in pushing Yeddy out of the BJP, the likes of KS Eeshwarappa, Ananth Kumar, Sadananda Gowda and Jagadish Shettar, the upcoming election would be an opportunity to prove a point.

Yeddy too, would be determined to make the BJP, a party he served for four decades, pay for the folly of neglecting a regional mass leader with the backing of the dominant Lingayat community.

The BJP will also have to contend with the BSR Congress. Yeddy’s mass support and the Reddy’s money power had catapulted BJP to power in Karnataka in 2008. With both now gone, it would be an uphill task for the party to retain power. BJP is unlikely to win more than 50 to 60 seats. In that eventuality, it would be back on the Opposition benches.

In the past, the Congress has had to suffer the consequences of sidelining Veerendra Patil, who was not only a mass leader but also had control over the party’s rank and file. This was something that Yeddy lost no opportunity to remind the BJP’s central leadership of.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
 
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Saturday, May 4, 2013

The next frontier

The ban on gutkha products is hypocrisy; it is high time that the government tackled the cigarette industry head on

Last year in April, we wrote an op-ed requesting the Indian government to ban tobacco; citing statistics that proved how the issue was far more pressing than perceived. We even mentioned how “24% of school-going children and 5 million children under the age of 15 years are addicted to this poison”. However, we have not seen any major policy breakthrough in this regard so far.

A very recent move by 14 state governments to impose a ban on gutkha sales, manufacturing, distribution, transportation, display and storage may be considered as a step ahead towards the reduction of tobacco production by 80% by 2020. However, it has ‘again’ raised questions on the credibility of the government’s intention towards curbing the ultra-strong cigarette lobby. The decision to ban gutkha has received an overwhelming response, but the Smokeless Tobacco Association alleges that “the powerful lobby of cigarette companies” is behind the step-motherly treatment meted out to them.

A recent study published in The Lancet, which is a renowned medical journal, revealed that with 275 million users, India ranks second in terms of tobacco users after China. Another government report says that 26% of India’s population (around 312 million) comprises tobacco-chewers compared to 5.7% and 9.2% cigarette smokers and beedi smokers respectively. India has acquired the shameful tag of being the oral cancer hub of the world. As per the first Global Adult Tobacco Survey (GATS) – India 2010, around 0.9 million tobacco-related deaths occur in India annually as compared to 5.5 million worldwide. So, it becomes extremely necessary to take some action against tobacco industry. But the moot point here is – why should cigarette and beedi escape regulation?

On one hand, 14 state governments have been prompted to ban gutkha and other forms of chewing tobacco products, which are toxic and addictive as per the Food Safety and Standards (Prohibition & Restrictions on Sales) Regulations Act, 2011. Consequently, government officers even decided to raid all gutkha shops and seize products of offending vendors. On the other hand, many reports have exposed that the ban on smoking in public places has had a very little impact. No such drive was executed by the government against sales of cigarettes, which are also being sold within 50 meters of school premises. No state government has taken stringent steps to control that.

In this context, it is well known that powerful lobbying is working in favour of the cigarette industry.

Long back in 2002, former Union Cabinet Minister of Health and Family Welfare, Shatrughan Sinha declared that he had been receiving threatening calls from the tobacco lobby; demanding that he should go slow on placing curbs on tobacco. Later on in 2007, then Union Minister of Health and Family Welfare of the Government of India, Anbumani Ramadoss, who had implemented stringent controls on tobacco and alcohol sales and advertisements to India, stated that 4 CMs and 150 MPs tried to back the tobacco industry. However, he refused to identify any of them.

But he said in reference to introducing grim pictorial warnings on cigarette packets and other tobacco packets that “the powerful lobby is going all out to ensure the warnings don’t appear.” Even our Supreme Court has expressed doubt on the government’s intentions to bring amendments in the Tobacco Control Act in front of a ‘too strong’ tobacco lobby. Moreover, ministers like Veerappa Moily and Pranab Mukherjee have always taken a pro-industry stand as 80% of beedi workers are from their constituencies. To crown it all, a ban on gutkha will only increase the sales of cigarettes.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
 
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

Thursday, May 2, 2013

UPA government: Caught in ‘CAG’mire

Close on the heels of its report on the allocation of 2G spectrum, which led to the cancellation of 122 licences, three CAG reports indicting the ruling government has left the UPA red-faced yet again. As the usual blame game holds crucial reforms to ransom, can India expect answers from its elected leaders?

If being dysfunctional was an attribute to go by, India’s parliamentarians would have won laurels. Sadly though, the case is not so. Our memories of parliamentary proceedings in recent times are ridden with disruptions and logjams that have resulted in the government earning a dubious reputation of being one in ‘policy paralysis’. This tag has been synonymous with India’s staggering economic growth along with a plethora of scams scarring the country’s reputation and the trust of its citizens. In early August this year, the Comptroller & Auditor General (CAG) of India released three reports that created a storm in political circles. These reports – on the allocation of coal blocks, the Indira Gandhi International Airport in Delhi, and Ultra Mega Power Projects (UMPPs) – have left the UPA government on a sticky wicket. For instance, according to the CAG’s report on the allocation of coal blocks submitted on August 17, 2012, the government allocated 142 national coal blocks arbitrarily to state-run and private companies from the period ranging between 2004 and 2009. During this period, the charge of the coal ministry was with none other than the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh himself. Result: The Parliament has been paralysed for the eighth consecutive day (till the time the magazine went for print) with the opposition demanding the PM’s resignation and cancellation of coal block allocations.

Coal, or black gold, currently accounts for about 70% of India’s energy consumption. Given the dependence of the power, steel and cement sectors on this vital fuel, the government’s handling of coal production and supply has always been mired with controversy and shortages. Until 1993, there was no specific criteria for allocation of coal blocks and most allocations were done based on letters of recommendation from concerned state governments. However, after 1993, the allocations made by the coal ministry based on recommendations of an inter-ministerial screening committee. The screening committee recommended the allocation of coal blocks to a particular allottee out of all the applicants for that coal block by way of minutes of the meeting of the committee. “There was nothing on record in the said minutes or in other documents on any comparative evaluation of the applicants for a coal block which was relied upon by the screening committee,” the CAG report stated, adding, “Minutes of the screening committee did not indicate how each one of the applicant for a particular coal block was evaluated. Thus, a transparent method for allocation of coal blocks was not followed by the screening committee.” As per the report, one that has gained maximum attention, the government deviated from the standard protocol of competitive bidding, resulting in an estimated loss of Rs.1,86,000 crore. 142 coal fields were sold since July 2004 to private and state-run companies. Interestingly, some of the 57 coalfields bought by private companies in 2004 did not even begin production till 2011, while some companies made enormous profits by selling the coal mines. It further estimated that private companies made windfall gains because of the low bidding prices paid for the fields. Meanwhile, coal imports during the period (2007 to 2011) increased from 49.80 million tonnes to 68.92 million tonnes.

Quite expectedly, a much-awaited statement by the PM tagged the CAG’s findings as ‘disputable’ on grounds that the policy of allocation of coal blocks to private parties, which the CAG had criticised, was not introduced by the UPA. “The policy has existed since 1993 and previous governments also allocated coal blocks in precisely the manner that the CAG has now criticised,” the PM said. The PM added that the CAG’s premise that competitive bidding could have been introduced in 2006 by amending the existing administrative instructions was ‘flawed’. Apart from rubbishing the CAG findings, Dr. Singh also sought to lay the blame on major coal and lignite bearing states such as West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, and Rajasthan for opposing a switch over to the process of competitive bidding. The CAG, understandably, has also come in for its fair share of criticism and the realm of attack has been far ranging. “If coal is not mined, it remains buried within mother earth, where is the loss,” asked Finance Minister P. Chidambaram. “The loss can arise only if coal is mined and sold,” he said, defending the PM. Digvijay Singh went a step ahead slamming the CAG for giving exaggerated figures and even targeted CAG Vinod Rai of political aspirations.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
 
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles